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If Rep. Mike Simpson's (R-ID) Central Idaho Economic Development and Recreation Act passes, ten, single-story houses could dot this hillside overlooking Stanley, Idaho. Interest groups disagree whether such development is a small price to pay for more than 300,000 acres of wilderness.


about the series

NewVoices/NewWest is reported and photographed by students at the University of Montana School of Journalism.

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other stories in this series


Articles of Interest
Concern over forest land sale spreads to Idaho wilderness proposal
Idaho Mountain Express; 02/23/2006

Idaho rep adds state park land to federal wilderness legislation
Idaho Statesman; 03/24/2006

Idaho wilderness bill has stormy first day in Congress
Idaho Mountain Express (Sun Valley); 10/28/2005

Pombo urges Idaho lawmakers to combine wilderness bills
Idaho Statesman; 10/02/2005

Public remains split on Idaho wilderness bill
Idaho Mountain Express; 10/14/2005


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If Rep. Mike Simpsonís (R-ID) Central Idaho Economic Development and Recreation Act passes, ten, single-story houses could dot this hillside overlooking Stanley, Idaho. Interest groups disagree whether such development is a small price to pay for more than 300,000 acres of wilderness or not.
A Chronicle of
Oxymoronic Reality

Development Paves the Way for Wilderness in central Idaho

"Since 1972, approximately 65 million taxpayer dollars ($7.5 million in 2005 alone) have been wisely spent to purchase land or acquire scenic easements on private land parcels within the SNRA to prevent subdivisions and commercial developments. … Privatization of prime SNRA lands is a totally inappropriate means to an end to achieve wilderness designation,"

—Scott Phillips on behalf of more than a dozen retired Forest Service employees in an op-ed. in the Idaho Statesman, June 25, 2005 on threats to the Sawtooth National Recreation Area.

Written and Photographed by Eric Segalstad
for Headwaters News

May 18, 2006

Trotting up the steep ridge, each step takes me farther away from parking tickets, computer crashes, annoying ring tones and the after-work crowd at the grocery store.

I'm scouring the mountaintops, hoping to get a glimpse of Jerry Peak. All I see are rolling knolls covered with mountain brome grass, sagebrush and the occasional patch of old growth whitebark pine. Established trails are nonexistent in this magnificent sanctuary, and the least taxing route is only obvious to those able to read the contours and vegetation.

This breathtaking country, not far from Ketchum, Idaho, could be close to federal protection as a 301,500-acre wilderness area known as the Boulder-White Cloud Mountains. After six years on the drafting table, Congressman Mike Simpson's (R-ID), Central Idaho Economic Development and Recreation Act (CIEDRA) is written, fine-tuned and ready to meet the scrutinizing eyes of Richard Pombo (R-CA), leader of the House Resources Committee. The Committee heard CIEDRA October 27, 2005, but the bill must pass through both the House and the Senate before the President can make it law—time the bill's opponents, who find the cost of designation excessive, intend to spend well.

From the inception of the Wilderness Act in 1964 to 1980, Congress passed Idaho wilderness and scenic river bills every four years or so. In the 26 years since then, wilderness bills in Idaho haven't come very far.

Nationally, recent additions to the wilderness preservation system are scant compared to the past: 2.5 million acres included since 1995, increasing the 106 million-acre system by 2.4 percent. The last major addition was California's 7.9 million-acre statewide wilderness bill that established 70 new areas in 1994.

Given this meager legislative activity, CIEDRA is a major opportunity for many wilderness advocates, especially in Idaho. But despite the possible establishments of new wilderness, far from all wilderness advocates support it. The bill sports several contested components, such as motorized corridors and an economic development package for the surrounding areas. Perhaps the most contentious component of CIEDRA concerns federal land transfers to Custer County and its four sparsely populated communities: Stanley, Clayton, Challis and Mackay. The 4,925-acre county is slightly smaller than Connecticut, and the 2000 census counted only 4,342 residents.

It's a beautiful country: rolling hills of windswept sagebrush broken by pastures, framed by verdant moraines that lead up to glacial lakes and glittering peaks. This palace of unspoiled beauty is the largest swatch of unprotected federal land left in the Lower 48.

The Bureau of Land Management and the U.S. Forest Service manage 93 percent of the county. Large-scale exploitation of natural resources is quickly becoming a memory of the past and local governments are struggling to maintain the necessary tax base to pay for basic municipal services.

Simpson hopes CIEDRA will alleviate some of that pressure, and he consciously plays land transfers as attractive bargaining chips for wilderness. If CIEDRA passes, Custer County and its incorporated cities plan on auctioning off plots to developers. Therein lies the controversy. What the bill call transfers, a substantial group of agitated residents and various non-profits label giveaways. Three plots totaling 162 acres in and adjacent to Stanley have stirred up the most furor.

Local government, hungry for a cash influx and an expanded tax base, is in favor of the transfer, while opposing organizations and residents fall back on two arguments.

One line claims developing the plots will threaten crucial elk habitat and prevent migrating steelhead trout that come 900 miles away from the Pacific from spawning in the Salmon.

The other asserts that giving away plots, some bought and protected under the Sawtooth National Recreation Area, and therefore owned by all Americans, is indisputably wrong. Ironically, factions involved in negotiations say the battle is over, while those not willing to budge an acre, like Janine Blaeloch of Western Lands Project, flatly states "Oh, it hasn't even begun."

But Blaeloch and others already have their hands full battling Pombo's recent initiatives. The chairman of the House Resources Committee proposed last Fall to close and sell 15 National Parks — approximately 23 percent of the total park system acreage — to drillers and private developers. Another initiative from Pombo's desk, an energy bill, could open production of 10.4 billion barrels of oil in the northern coastal plain of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska. The money raised from disposing federal land, he suggests, is for relief work and costs of rebuilding in wake of natural disasters such as Hurricane Katrina. 

The land transfers in CIEDRA, although microscopic in comparison, are meant to nurture the economic well being of Custer County. Unlike Blaine County, its wealthy neighbor to the south and home to Sun Valley, Custer's economy is a stew of ranching, retirement, government jobs and tourism. The old pillars of resource extraction continue to lose significance, according to a 2003 study by the Sonoran Institute. But there are hopes for a brighter future. Research indicates that communities surrounded by areas of immense natural beauty can gain from them. Blaine County was much like Custer until 1936 when Sun Valley fired up its lifts and became the country's first all-inclusive ski resort.

Stanley and Challis have benefited somewhat from being gateways to Sawtooth National Recreation Area (established in 1972) and the Frank Church-River of No Return Wilderness (created 1980). But even with 1.7 million visitors per year and a 2.5 percent citywide sales tax, Stanley finds itself without the means to have its own high school.

Visitors bring with them a substantial influx of cash to the area, but it's not enough to pay for adequate municipal services in a large and sparsely populated county.

Gynii Gilliam, the economic development director for north Custer and Lemhi counties, is excited about the transfers, but she also has reservations. The problem, as she sees it, is the lag time between enactment, when land is transferred and visitors presumably come in larger numbers, and sale. "We're fighting for direct appropriations upfront, because emergency needs will grow." Her logic is simple: as more visitors come to the wilderness, demand for public services such as police, upkeep of roads, fire crews and emergency care will increase rapidly — services the community is responsible to fund.


"We're fighting for direct appropriations upfront, because emergency needs will grow."

-Gynii Gilliam,
economic development director
for north Custer and Lemhi counties


The appropriations are commonly known as PILT, an acronym for Payment In Lieu of Taxes — the federal ointment preferred by groups who oppose the giveaways on principle. PILT is handed out to help local governments offset lack of property taxes due to nontaxable federal lands within county lines. In fiscal 2005, Custer County received $390,504 according to data from the U.S. Department of the Interior.

"This is a way to buy local support for wilderness," says Janine Blaeloch, director of Western Lands Project, a Seattle-based nonprofit that monitors federal land use.

A recent paper titled "Quid Pro Quo Wilderness," co-authored by Blaeloch and Katie Fite of the Western Watersheds Project, argues that we're witnessing a new and dangerous trend of trading or giving away public lands for a pittance in return for wilderness legislation.

Oregon's Steens Mountains bill from 1999 was perhaps the first of these deals. Ranchers traded 18,000 acres for inclusion in the wilderness in exchange for 104,000 acres of public lands. In addition, the bill guaranteed them $5 million in cash and made the BLM financially responsible for all fencing and water development projects the ranchers deemed necessary on their new ranges.

One of the key players in the Steens Mountain legislation was Lindsay Slater, legislative director for Rep. Greg Walden, (R-Ore.). Slater is today Simpson's chief of staff.

In Clark County, Nev., a 450,000-acre wilderness bill included auctioning 22,000 acres of federal land near Las Vegas to real estate developers. The 2002 bill also included a controversial land exchange, granting the construction of a new road to cut travel time for commuters.

George Nickas, executive director for the nonprofit Wilderness Watch, is saddened by that fact that environmentalists help make these bills reality through negotiations with other interest groups. "These are diminished visions of what these places could be," he says. Wilderness Watch is a national organization based out of Missoula, Mont., that focuses on the preservation and stewardship of areas within the wilderness and scenic river systems.

Nickas characterizes negotiations surrounding the bills as "backdoor political games" focused on "what can I [as a user group] get out of it?"

View south from Jerry Peak on a frosty September morning toward the Pioneer Mountains. The haze is from a 40,000-acre forest fire raging 35 miles to the west.

Two years ago Slater told the Salt Lake Tribune "stand alone wilderness is done. The trend seems to be toward legislation based on compromise among various interests."

The Boulder-White Clouds bill is the latest quid pro quo wilderness according to Blaeloch, but she suggests an alternative to handing out free federal land.

"I'd rather see the government give them money," she says. "The very Congress that's screaming about the economic slump these communities are in is not giving them [enough] PILT."

Gilliam sees it differently. "Stanley needs employee housing. We're like Jackson [Wyoming] and Ketchum — surrounded by so much federal land that the people who work here can't afford to live here. The land exchange will hopefully change that, but I have some concerns about it, too. Conservationists buy up land for conservation easements, which I think is great, but as an economic development advisor, I see it reducing our tax base even further."

Idaho offers conditional tax credits to land owners who enter into conservation agreements or donate conservation easements to non-profit organizations. Income tax credits are awarded in exchange for improving habitat for wildlife and endangered plants. Half of eligible expenditures, such as removing barriers to fish passage or construction of ponds for waterfowl, are reimbursed. The limit is currently $2,000 per landowner for the tax year, although a case review can net the owner additional credits.

In 1999, the Forest Service paid $2.3 million for a 160-acre conservation easement from WOMAC Land and Cattle Company in the Sawtooth National Recreation Area. The easement reduced a 20-unit subdivision to three units, but without a plan for wildlife improvement, this particular easement wasn't awarded tax credits.

The deal was one of the first brokered by the Sawtooth Society, a nonprofit created in 1997 to oversee policies in the Sawtooth National Recreational Area.

"Our aim and mission is to protect the SNRA and particularly open space," says Bob Hayes, the organization's executive director. On the phone he has the weathered voice of an old rancher. Hayes has spent his entire life living in the Stanley Basin and trudging around the towering Sawtooths. He understands the complexities of the issue: SNRA must remain more or less intact, Stanley lacks affordable housing, and wilderness protection of the Boulder-White Clouds is on the agenda.


"It's been a give-and-take process and Congressman Simpson has responded accordingly."

-Bob Hayes,
executive director,
Sawtooth Society


In the first draft of CIEDRA — Simpson called it a framework — land transfers numbered some 16,000 acres, an undisclosed amount of which came from the SNRA. It seemed Simpson's office spelled out the number without considering from where the acres came. The high acreage was unacceptable to most except city and county officials who dreamed of a healthy tax base supported by an avalanche of new residents.

"Simpson tested the public mind-set with the framework," Hayes says. The Sawtooth Society and others told Simpson they couldn't give him their support for CIEDRA, and the acreages evaporated in the subsequent drafts like morning dew on the basin's alfalfa. "It's been a give-and-take process and Congressman Simpson has responded accordingly," Hayes says.

A majority of the Society's members now accept the 162 acres slated for transfers. "The impacts on the SNRA are minimal. Our view is give them what they [City of Stanley and Custer County] need, but with deed restrictions," Hayes says. "We are very sympathetic to the people who get heartburn over this, and at one point we did, too, but given the political realities, we believe this is the best way to save the SNRA." Far from everyone concurs.

"These guys are smoking some funny stuff," says Scott Phillips, facilitator for a group of 13 SNRA retirees who like himself are ardently opposed to any transfers. "Simpson, ICL [Idaho Conservation League], Hayes and a few others have been sitting in backdoor meetings and invented their own little reality world. Taxpayers have already spent nearly 60 million dollars over a 35 year-period by purchasing tracts to protect additional SNRA land. Amazing progress has been made. CIEDRA intends to do the diametrically opposite [by transferring three tracts for development] and ignores public law 92-400 [the law that established the SNRA in 1972]. It's arrogance on the part of Simpson to even propose such a thing [land transfers]."

The group Phillips represents has so far published two op-eds in five local and statewide newspapers, and plans to publish a third.

"The Forest Service has spent nearly $58 million [figure from 2004] since the SNRA was established to protect the valley floors — and scenic vistas considered to be among the most beautiful in the mountain West," read the group's op-ed from August. "CIEDRA would reverse one of the very purposes for creating the Sawtooth NRA—protecting the Sawtooth Valley and Stanley Basin from development."

A plan for the plots
Negotiations among Stanley, Custer, the Forest Service and the Sawtooth Society resulted in a solution acceptable to those involved. The current, and presumably final, version of CIEDRA places deed restrictions on the plots. "They're modeled after the Forest Service restrictions set forth in the SNRA. They are very tight, very strict, prescriptive and designed to make sure the use of that land is consistent with the use in the area," Hayes says. The restrictions control height, setbacks, maximum square-footage, types of houses and more. In addition, a special committee made up of three Stanley-area residents and a representative each from Stanley and Custer, must agree on proposed developments before bulldozers can start gnawing the sagebrush and alfalfa.

It's a convoluted conflict, but a closer look at the individual plots in question removes some of the haze.

The first parcel is 8.3 acres and sits second-to-last on Benner Street in Stanley, a small town made up of log cabins and western ranch-style houses. During the 1970s the owner envisioned a sprawling trailer park on the green alfalfa, but SNRA management wasn't thrilled with the prospect of a trailer park with an unobstructed view of the magnificent Sawtooths. Consequently, the SNRA bought the plot with taxpayer money and preserved it as open space.


"We can't throw everything we don't like out of the wilderness bill."

-Linn Kincannon,
central Idaho director,
Idaho Conservation League


"We intend to sell the land for residential development," says retiring mayor Paul Frantellizzi. CIEDRA allows four single-story homes no larger than 3,000 square-feet on the parcel. The mayor thinks the city can sell the plots for $200,000-$250,000 each. Assuming he is right, the in-town plot could raise $1 million—five times Stanley's annual budget. "I suggested we take all or a significant portion of that and create an endowment for the community to use as a rainy-day fund or use the interest for the arts, educations or other causes," Frantellizzi says.

The second plot is Valley Creek (also known as Old Sewer Ponds from the creek's past use), a 68-acre chunk that's currently open space, but contiguous to the city. Frantellizzi says the city requested Valley Creek to be deeded for municipal purposes. Suggested uses include municipal housing for fire fighters, emergency personnel and teachers, develop the natural hot springs on the property for the benefit of the community, or a tent city for summer employees. The warm months are especially busy for the community and a large contingent of mostly young people work nearby at the popular Red Fish Lake, or down in the valley as guides, cooks or ranch hands. Stanley is too small for a rental market and land too scarce for affordable housing. But Frantellizzi affirms that the city will maintain a view corridor and push developments up toward the hill—restrictions carefully laid out in CIEDRA.

The third parcel is on a bench overlooking Stanley Basin, 80-some acres deeded to the county. CIEDRA allows for up to ten parcels with single-story houses no larger than 3,500 square-feet. The deed restrictions require that the houses are western style and not visible from the nearby highways. Given the estimated value of the land, there's a good chance most of the lots will be mostly-empty second homes. "I'd rather see families move in and their kids go to our schools, but it's market-driven," Frantellizzi says.

Idaho Conservation League's central Idaho director Linn Kincannon says the group can accept the SNRA land transfers because they are a necessary part of the political effort to designate wilderness in Idaho. ICL is the leading conservation group in Idaho, a position it enjoys due to political savvy, strong leadership, healthy funding and a willingness to meet halfway, according to a Blue Ribbon Coalition staffer. "We can't throw everything we don't like out of the wilderness bill," Kincannon says. "It just won't happen, because without compromise there will be no wilderness."

David Kimpton, a retired SNRA ranger, hunter and angler, is concerned about the loss of what he calls irreplaceable wildlife habitat. That elk enjoy Valley Creek in the winter is undisputed. However, some dispute labeling the wintering grounds crucial for elk habitat.

"It's certainly true that it's elk habitat," Hayes says. "But they [Kimpton and others] haven't made a credible case that they are crucial. The reality is that at that elevation [6,400-7,000 feet] elk are all over. They do use the Valley Creek area, and I suspect that they like them because of the hot springs."

Frantellizzi says he opposes the use of the word critical since it's subjective. "We live in hundreds of thousands of acres of wilderness so that those [few] acres are critical is a little skewed. Are we going to be considerate and think about the elk? Sure, but how much damage does a house on one-eighth of an acre pressed up against the hill do?"

Not much, according to Tracey Trent, chief of the natural resource policy bureau with Idaho Fish and Game. "It's true elk winter there," he says echoing Frantellizzi. "That doesn't make them winter range." Recent mild winters and locals feeding the elk have encouraged the large mammals to stick around the area. The area's average winters of sub-zero temperatures and five feet of snow, elk seek refuge in mild drainages such as the middle fork of the Salmon and the north fork of the Payette, Trent says.

With so many user groups demanding continued, exclusive or expanded access to public lands, heated debates and direct conflicts are an unavoidable part of the legislative process. At this point in CIEDRA's legislative process, user groups who have been consulted by Simpson's staff support the bill (with a couple of for-the-record reservations), while those not consulted are against.

Perceptions change depending on the perspective. From the top of Jerry Peak one can see for miles in every direction: great rocky slabs that make up the Pioneers and the Boulders to the south and the spiny White Clouds to the west. Giant fields of talus roll perpendicular to drainages and elusive springs dotted on mountain meadows reflect the sky. Herd Creek appears navy blue five miles away and a few thousand feet below, but the perspective deceives—up close the little lake is muddy with silt.


Eric Segalstad (www.ericsegalstad.com) recently received his M.A. at the University of Montana and is now an intern for Skiing magazine in Boulder, Colo..


 

Analysis:

Whatever happened to Wilderness for Wilderness' sake?

A look at the changing motivation behind land protection

By Daniel Berger, assistant editor
Headwaters News

May 18, 2006

Designation of big "W" Wilderness is not what it used to be.

In the past, large swaths of undeveloped land were designated for their wild and pristine nature — championed first by progressive public land managers (Gila Wilderness in New Mexico) or citizens' groups (Great Bear Wilderness in Montana), and then handed off to influential politicians who brought them to Congress for approval.

Battles ensued aplenty over these designations. Locals feared the change associated with new land designations. Others worried new restrictions would limit access and economic development of natural resources — both of which wilderness designation do: motorized vehicles, permanent development and resource extraction are all banned in wilderness areas.

Compromise was a main tool in the designation of wilderness. But in almost every case, that compromise surrounded the land in question and not much else.

In many cases that has changed.

The president still has to sign off on every wilderness designation, and he usually does.

But by the time the bill is ready for the president's signature, the fighting is over and most everybody between his desk and the trailhead has approved it. The path to the president is now much more complicated, convoluted and twisted between politics and economics.

Take, for instance, the proposal to designate about 300,000 acres in the Boulder-White Cloud Mountains of the Sawtooth range in central Idaho, which Eric Segalstad writes about in NewVoices/NewWest.

Wilderness activists have been clamoring for decades for some wilderness designation in central Idaho, but it took a new kind of plan, one that included a good deal of economic development, for the notion of wilderness designation to again take hold there.

What's changed is not the desire to protect land as wilderness, but the motivation for doing so.

This change in motivation isn't present in every new wilderness designation, but it is increasingly becoming part of the process.

In southern Utah's Washington County, for example, Wilderness designation has become part of a grander scheme to zone large swaths of this desert region.

The county has one of the fastest growth rates in the state and one of the top five in the nation. Growth here is fueled by the area's undeveloped land, its scenic beauty and its proximity to the fastest growing city in the nation, Las Vegas.

The Washington County Growth & Conservation Act of 2006 draft plan (PDF) aims to address booming development and land preservation. The general idea is to sell about 25,000 acres of public land and use the proceeds for watershed and rangeland protection, habitat preservation, education and outreach, and to preserve more than 220,000 acres as wilderness.

The bill's sponsors, Utah Republican Sen. Bob Bennett and Democratic Rep. Jim Matheson, have taken it to Washington, D.C. where it is now running through the political and public comment machine.

Like the land bill in central Idaho, this one has attracted much scorn for wilderness purists who claim it is nothing but a land giveaway.

Perhaps more contentious than either of these wilderness plans was a recent one on the Utah-Nevada border, in the Cedar Mountains.

Utah lawmakers who pushed for wilderness designation there admit that the Cedar Mountains might not be the most scenic or pristine wilderness area, but they sought designation because the federal protection would make it all but impossible for the Goshute Indians and private Fuel Storage Co. to operate a nuclear waste storage facility on tribal land.

Designation would block a main travel route to the reservation, and without that route, nuclear waste can't make its way to a proposed facility that Utah lawmakers don't want in their state.

The issue was never really about land preservation, and has become even more political.

Nevada lawmakers at first weren't willing to help, but then last November U.S. Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he would support the bill.

About a month later, Utah lawmakers worked out a deal with Nevada Republican Sen. John Ensign, who was also at first against the designation but then agreed to lend his support after he was assured that Utah would assist Nevada in finding alternatives to storing waste at Yucca Mountain — another proposed nuclear storage facility, but this one in Nevada.

Both the House and Senate passed Legislation to create the 100,000-acre Cedar Mountain Wilderness Area, and President Bush signed it into law on Jan. 6, as part of a huge defense bill.

Many wilderness advocates are split on whether compromise is a worthy way of acquiring wilderness in an increasingly anti-wilderness political climate.

Some see these kinds of compromises as a threat to the idea of wilderness, which was created and approved by Congress four decades ago.

Others are willing to accept that the world has changed, and that economic development can accompany land preservation, if it allows for that preservation to happen.

The compromises do beg the questions: Is it still wilderness if we allow a motorized recreation corridor to bisect it? Or if we give away other undeveloped federal land to acquire it? What about the case of the Cedar Mountains, where the land up for designation has become a pawn in a game over nuclear waste that no one wants to store?

In Montana's Lincoln County and Beaverhead-Deerlodge National Forest, wilderness advocates and environmentalists have teamed up with logging and mining interests and snowmobile users to craft land use plans that allows for certain activities in some areas while restricting activities in other areas – creating either big "W" Wilderness or at least de-facto wilderness.

Yet in both cases, even when representatives from a diversity of interests crafted and agreed on a plan together, many remain frustrated with the details and are willing to continue to fight for what they believe is right.

If nothing else, the wilderness debate today should remind us that wilderness is an idea America invented, primarily for the West, and which is still evolving, as all social ideas do.

It's also worth remembering that the idea of wilderness remains one of America's largest exports to the rest of the world. Our model has become the model on which all others are based, from Canada to Africa.

As Wilderness pioneer Aldo Leopold once said "The rich values of wilderness lies not in the days of Daniel Boone nor even in the present, but rather in the future." How we designate our wilderness today, he was saying, has everything to do with what we want our West to look like tomorrow.

Headwaters News is a project of the Center for the Rocky Mountain West
at the University of Montana.
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Readers' comment:

No public lands should be privatized

If you'll take the trouble to analyze Western Lands Project's numbers on the public land being privatized in CIEDRA, you'll find that those numbers have been well-researched, and are accurate—no mean feat given the difficulty in getting exact information from Congressman Mike Simpson.

An email from the Congressman's office last December confirmed the number of acres of public land to be "transferred" as 7,392. However, since then, depending on who's writing the story and whose point of view is being promoted, the exact acreage has been harder to pin down than a tarp in a windstorm.

The point isn't the number of acres. NO acres of public land should be privatized. NONE.

I find it appalling that even one acre of nationally owned public land would be taken out of public hands, and that it would be done in CIEDRA with the complicity of some conservation organizations who have been quite vocal in expressing outrage about public lands being taken out of public hands—but for them it's okay in CIEDRA!

One organization's executive director was quoted saying "Public lands are for the public ," yet that same organization supports CIEDRA, with its outright giveaways of public land.

The groups say, "We're working to improve the bill." Perhaps they think that if they get the number down from X to X minus 300, they will have "improved the bill." Meanwhile, they continue to support CIEDRA, saying, "We have to swallow some stuff we don't like" in order to get the wilderness in CIEDRA.

The wilderness in CIEDRA is substandard. It undermines the Wilderness Act.

The Forest Service objects to some provisions in CIEDRA. For example, under some circumstances, ATV use would be allowed in CIEDRA's wilderness, while among the 550,000 acres CIEDRA will permanently lock in for motorized use are Wilderness Study Areas and Recommended Wilderness.

According to Western Lands, the number of acres to be privatized is closer to 7,000 than the number claimed by Congressman Simpson in a recent Op Ed piece.

However, focusing on the number completely misses the point. Public land is for the public. Period. CIEDRA is a bad bill. Period.

It undermines the Wilderness Act, gives public land to private interests, encourages and expands motorized use, harms the land, the water and the wildlife, hurts the economy of local communities and wastes the millions of dollars spent by American taxpayers since 1972 to protect the Sawtooth National Recreation Area.

If you want to learn about a wilderness bill with a science-based approach (there being no mention of science in CIEDRA), check out HR 1204, the Rockies Prosperity Act. We can do better than CIEDRA.

Carole King
Stanley, Idaho

Simpson's bill
by the numbers

As mentioned in my first comment, Western Lands can provide a table showing the evolution of the land giveaways in CIEDRA for anyone who wishes to see it.

In December 2005, I calculated the acreage of proposed land gifts based on all of the sources of information I had. I asked for confirmation of that number--at the time, 7,395.75 acres--from Rep. Mike Simpson's office. A Simpson aide confirmed the number.

In March 2006, Simpson posted an update of the Challis, Mackay, and Clayton acreages on his web site, and the acreage was thereby slightly reduced. Here is a list based on that which was confirmed by Simpson's office and the slight downward adjustments from the March update:

SNRA to Custer Co. 86 acres
SNRA/ Sawtooth NF to Blaine 3.47 acres
BLM to Blaine 422 acres
SNRA to Stanley 76 acres
BLM to Clayton 40 acres
BLM to Mackay 360 acres
BLM to Challis 660 acres
BLM to Custer Co. 4,670 acres
BLM to State near Boise (unspecified) 960 acres
TOTAL: 7,277.47 ACRES

Some, though few, of the acreages are actually in the bill--such as the 960-acre gift to the State of Idaho. The Blaine County acreage is not specified in the bill. There is no one document that lists all of the proposed giveaways. Simpson now claims that the total will be somewhere around 3,500 acres; unfortunately, only a few numbers have ever been in the bill, so that proposal may be in Rep. Simpson's mind but it is not on paper.

Others would have to confirm that Western Lands is not the only organization concerned about the non-SNRA giveaways.

It is true that the outcry over those acres has been particularly heartfelt. But the 40+ groups signed on against CIEDRA are worried about the much bigger issue of federal land giveaways.

This has always been the case, but it may be that the concern has become more intense in the months after Segalstad's thesis was completed-- from late 2005 to now, attempts by Rep. Richard Pombo, R-Calif., Rep. Tom Tancredo, R-Colo., and the Bush Administration to push wholesale privatization of public land have changed the chemistry significantly and put Simpson's giveaways into a whole new context.

Janine Blaeloch, Director
Western Lands Project
Seattle, Wash.

CIEDRA covers thousands of acres

Segalstad covers a lot of ground in his story on CIEDRA, but he misses about 7,000 acres. The article does not mention the 7,000 or so acres of giveaways that are in addition to those 162 acres in the Sawtooth NRA he discusses at length.

The giveaways in the congressionally protected SNRA are indeed of huge concern, but the objections of the 41 conservation organizations that oppose CIEDRA do not rest on those lands alone: both the totality and the constituent parts of the giveaway pose chilling implications for public land everywhere.

Simpson has played cat and mouse with the numbers from the beginning, and has never even put the total acres into his bill text--it apparently works better for him to keep the public guessing.

However, Western Lands Project has compiled a summary of the giveaways based on all available info (including from Simpson's web site) and would be happy to email that info to anyone who cares to see it.

We have also put together a 4-page analysis of the broader implications of the CIEDRA land gifts, available on request.

Janine Blaeloch
founder and director
Western Lands Project
Seattle, Wash.

Legislation creates
'paper wilderness'

I am the facilitator for our group of 15 retired Forest Service Folks opposing Rep Mike Simpson's terrible CIEDRA bill.

I read with great interest your article in Headwaters News discussing CIEDRA . I remember talking with Eric Segelstad a year ago on the phone at some length. That is where he got my quotes he used plus from our op-ed piece.

I thought Mr. Segelstad and your staff did a good job putting this article together.

There is one omission I think you should correct/and or bring up to date. That is that in May, 06 the total Public Land Acres to be given away is just under 7,300.

The article talks at great length about the 162 acres adjacent to Stanley but folks reading your article need to know that 7,300 acres is the total aggregate number.

This is a terrible bill in terms not only of obscene Public Land privatization, but also for the following reasons:

It would create a "paper wilderness"--three islands of wilderness transected by motorized corridors.


It would likely be an unfunded mandate---leaving the SNRA hamstrung even further in its management capabilities.

In other words it is fiscally unwise as well as environmentally bankrupt.

As former head SNRA Ranger Carl Pence has so correctly stated--"What the SNRA needs is bold leadership and Congressional support." What the SNRA does NOT need is CIEDRA--which would completely negate the 34 years of progress under the visionary PL-92-400 which created the SNRA by Congressional intent in 1972.


It would set a terrible precedent around the Western United States. Every other county in the West would then line up saying "Where is our FREE PUBLIC LAND!?"

In essence this is a land giveaway and development bill! A "wilderness bill" it is not!

Enough said. Mr. Segalstad did a good job putting together his master's thesis.

Thanks for printing the article in your publication.

Scott Phillips,
Hailey, Idaho

Author's blog:

Article focused on contentious acres

Since my article was posted last week, Headwaters News received comments from a couple of readers including Janine Blaeloch, the founder and director of Western Lands Project. Both indicated that I omitted the more than 7,000 acres of giveaways that are in addition to those 162 acres in the Sawtooth NRA discussed in the article.

First off: Yes, I should've mentioned that Rep. Mike Simpson, R-Idaho, intends to transfer an additional 5,730 acres to Custer County (as outlined on the congressman's web site). That number—I haven't been able to replicate the readers' stated omission of 7,000 acres—should've been mentioned.

Both readers questioned that I didn’t address those thousands of acres. For the record, I have been aware of nearly 6,000 acres of transfers for a while. Since my thesis defense in February, total acreage has gone down slightly.

The first of six articles, which was not published by Headwaters News, surrounding various aspects of the Central Idaho Economic Development and Recreation Act (CIEDRA) I wrote for the thesis project brings attention to the total acreage:

"In the first version of CIEDRA, [Custer] county was slated for a 16,000-unspecified-acre transfer from the federal government. The lofty gift outraged the environmental community and when the county remembered it was responsible for community services in its new holdings, it too realized the number had to come down. In the latest version, transfers are down to 5,848 acres (422 acres in Blaine county). Although many are opposed to federal land transfers in principle, 162 acres in and adjacent to the City of Stanley, by the foot of the rugged Sawtooths, have caused a stir, rippling throughout the greater environmental community."

I stand by my statement in last week's article that "Three plots totaling 162 acres in and adjacent to Stanley have stirred up the most furor."

Western Lands Project is a nonprofit watchdog and Blaeloch's job is to weigh in any time federal land in the West is in danger of privatization. To her, every acre counts, but the majority of the public doesn't seem to agree with her in this case, hence the focus of the published article.

I spent nine months researching and interviewing people directly and indirectly involved in the debate surrounding CIEDRA from Challis to D.C.


Through my research I found that the 162 acres in and surrounding Stanley were the most contentious, because, as the article points out, some of the plots in danger of development were bought with tax dollars for inclusion in the Sawtooth NRA. That the tracts are now in danger of being transferred or given away upset many citizens.

The nearly 6,000 additional acres have so far not caused the same level of furor. There may be several reasons for this, but I suspect most people feel trading SNRA land is not acceptable, while trading lower elevation swaths of sagebrush surrounding the towns of Challis and Mackay for more than 300,000 acres of wilderness in today's political climate is.

I hope this clarifies the debate.


Eric V. Segalstad

BY THE NUMBERS:

Simpson's official numbers:

Challis: 4,030 acres
Mackay: 1,660 acres
Clayton: 40 acres
5,730 acres

Parcels in and around Stanley
Parcel A: 8 acres
Parcel B: 86 acres
Parcel C: 68 acres
162 acres

Total for both: 5,892 acres

 

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