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I'm scouring the mountaintops,
hoping to get a glimpse of Jerry Peak. All I
see are rolling knolls covered with mountain
brome grass, sagebrush and the occasional patch
of old growth whitebark pine. Established trails
are nonexistent in this magnificent sanctuary,
and the least taxing route is only obvious to
those able to read the contours and vegetation.
This breathtaking country, not
far from Ketchum, Idaho, could be close to federal
protection as a 301,500-acre wilderness area
known as the Boulder-White Cloud Mountains.
After six years on the drafting table, Congressman
Mike Simpson's (R-ID), Central
Idaho Economic Development and Recreation Act
(CIEDRA) is written, fine-tuned and ready to
meet the scrutinizing eyes of Richard Pombo
(R-CA), leader of the House Resources Committee.
The Committee heard CIEDRA October 27, 2005,
but the bill must pass through both the House
and the Senate before the President can make
it law—time the bill's opponents, who
find the cost of designation excessive, intend
to spend well.
From the inception of the Wilderness
Act in 1964 to 1980, Congress passed Idaho wilderness
and scenic river bills every four years or so.
In the 26 years since then, wilderness bills
in Idaho haven't come very far.
Nationally, recent additions to
the wilderness preservation system are scant
compared to the past: 2.5 million acres included
since 1995, increasing the 106 million-acre
system by 2.4 percent. The last major addition
was California's 7.9 million-acre statewide
wilderness bill that established 70 new areas
in 1994.
Given this meager legislative
activity, CIEDRA is a major opportunity for
many wilderness advocates, especially in Idaho.
But despite the possible establishments of new
wilderness, far from all wilderness advocates
support it. The bill sports several contested
components, such as motorized corridors and
an economic development package for the surrounding
areas. Perhaps the most contentious component
of CIEDRA concerns federal land transfers to
Custer County and its four sparsely populated
communities: Stanley, Clayton, Challis and Mackay.
The 4,925-acre county is slightly smaller than
Connecticut, and the 2000 census counted only
4,342 residents.
It's a beautiful country: rolling
hills of windswept sagebrush broken by pastures,
framed by verdant moraines that lead up to glacial
lakes and glittering peaks. This palace of unspoiled
beauty is the largest swatch of unprotected
federal land left in the Lower 48.
The Bureau of Land Management
and the U.S. Forest Service manage 93 percent
of the county. Large-scale exploitation of natural
resources is quickly becoming a memory of the
past and local governments are struggling to
maintain the necessary tax base to pay for basic
municipal services.
Simpson hopes CIEDRA will alleviate
some of that pressure, and he consciously plays
land transfers as attractive bargaining chips
for wilderness. If CIEDRA passes, Custer County
and its incorporated cities plan on auctioning
off plots to developers. Therein lies the controversy.
What the bill call transfers, a substantial
group of agitated residents and various non-profits
label giveaways. Three plots totaling
162 acres in and adjacent to Stanley have stirred
up the most furor.
Local government, hungry for a
cash influx and an expanded tax base, is in
favor of the transfer, while opposing organizations
and residents fall back on two arguments.
One line claims developing the
plots will threaten crucial elk habitat and
prevent migrating steelhead trout that come
900 miles away from the Pacific from spawning
in the Salmon.
The other asserts that giving
away plots, some bought and protected under
the Sawtooth
National Recreation Area, and therefore
owned by all Americans, is indisputably wrong.
Ironically, factions involved in negotiations
say the battle is over, while those not willing
to budge an acre, like Janine Blaeloch of Western
Lands Project, flatly states "Oh, it hasn't
even begun."
But Blaeloch and others already
have their hands full battling Pombo's recent
initiatives. The chairman of the House Resources
Committee proposed last Fall to close and sell
15 National Parks — approximately 23 percent
of the total park system acreage — to
drillers and private developers. Another initiative
from Pombo's desk, an energy bill, could open
production of 10.4 billion barrels of oil in
the northern coastal plain of the Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge in Alaska. The money raised
from disposing federal land, he suggests, is
for relief work and costs of rebuilding in wake
of natural disasters such as Hurricane Katrina.
The land transfers in CIEDRA,
although microscopic in comparison, are meant
to nurture the economic well being of Custer
County. Unlike Blaine County, its wealthy neighbor
to the south and home to Sun Valley, Custer's
economy is a stew of ranching, retirement, government
jobs and tourism. The old pillars of resource
extraction continue to lose significance, according
to a 2003 study by the Sonoran Institute. But
there are hopes for a brighter future. Research
indicates that communities surrounded by areas
of immense natural beauty can gain from them.
Blaine County was much like Custer until 1936
when Sun Valley fired up its lifts and became
the country's first all-inclusive ski resort.
Stanley and Challis have benefited
somewhat from being gateways to Sawtooth National
Recreation Area (established in 1972) and the
Frank Church-River of No Return Wilderness (created
1980). But even with 1.7 million visitors per
year and a 2.5 percent citywide sales tax, Stanley
finds itself without the means to have its own
high school.
Visitors bring with them a substantial
influx of cash to the area, but it's not enough
to pay for adequate municipal services in a
large and sparsely populated county.
Gynii Gilliam, the economic development
director for north Custer and Lemhi counties,
is excited about the transfers, but she also
has reservations. The problem, as she sees it,
is the lag time between enactment, when land
is transferred and visitors presumably come
in larger numbers, and sale. "We're fighting
for direct appropriations upfront, because emergency
needs will grow." Her logic is simple: as more
visitors come to the wilderness, demand for
public services such as police, upkeep of roads,
fire crews and emergency care will increase
rapidly — services the community is responsible
to fund.
-Gynii Gilliam,
economic development director
for north Custer and Lemhi counties
The appropriations
are commonly known as PILT, an acronym for Payment
In Lieu of Taxes — the federal ointment
preferred by groups who oppose the giveaways
on principle. PILT is handed out to help local
governments offset lack of property taxes due
to nontaxable federal lands within county lines.
In fiscal 2005, Custer County received $390,504
according to data from the U.S. Department of
the Interior.
"This is a way to buy local support
for wilderness," says Janine Blaeloch, director
of Western Lands Project, a Seattle-based nonprofit
that monitors federal land use.
A recent paper titled "Quid Pro
Quo Wilderness," co-authored by Blaeloch and
Katie Fite of the Western Watersheds Project,
argues that we're witnessing a new and dangerous
trend of trading or giving away public lands
for a pittance in return for wilderness legislation.
Oregon's Steens Mountains bill
from 1999 was perhaps the first of these deals.
Ranchers traded 18,000 acres for inclusion in
the wilderness in exchange for 104,000 acres
of public lands. In addition, the bill guaranteed
them $5 million in cash and made the BLM financially
responsible for all fencing and water development
projects the ranchers deemed necessary on their
new ranges.
One of the key players in the
Steens Mountain legislation was Lindsay Slater,
legislative director for Rep. Greg Walden, (R-Ore.).
Slater is today Simpson's chief of staff.
In Clark County, Nev., a 450,000-acre
wilderness bill included auctioning 22,000 acres
of federal land near Las Vegas to real estate
developers. The 2002 bill also included a controversial
land exchange, granting the construction of
a new road to cut travel time for commuters.
George Nickas, executive director
for the nonprofit Wilderness Watch, is saddened
by that fact that environmentalists help make
these bills reality through negotiations with
other interest groups. "These are diminished
visions of what these places could be," he says.
Wilderness Watch is a national organization
based out of Missoula, Mont., that focuses on
the preservation and stewardship of areas within
the wilderness and scenic river systems.
Nickas characterizes negotiations
surrounding the bills as "backdoor political
games" focused on "what can I [as a user group]
get out of it?"
View south from Jerry Peak on a frosty September
morning toward the Pioneer Mountains. The haze
is from a 40,000-acre forest fire raging 35
miles to the west.
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Two years ago Slater told the
Salt Lake Tribune "stand alone wilderness
is done. The trend seems to be toward legislation
based on compromise among various interests."
The Boulder-White Clouds bill
is the latest quid pro quo wilderness according
to Blaeloch, but she suggests an alternative
to handing out free federal land.
"I'd rather see the government
give them money," she says. "The very Congress
that's screaming about the economic slump these
communities are in is not giving them [enough]
PILT."
Gilliam sees it differently. "Stanley
needs employee housing. We're like Jackson [Wyoming]
and Ketchum — surrounded by so much federal
land that the people who work here can't afford
to live here. The land exchange will hopefully
change that, but I have some concerns about
it, too. Conservationists buy up land for conservation
easements, which I think is great, but as an
economic development advisor, I see it reducing
our tax base even further."
Idaho offers conditional tax credits
to land owners who enter into conservation agreements
or donate conservation easements to non-profit
organizations. Income tax credits are awarded
in exchange for improving habitat for wildlife
and endangered plants. Half of eligible expenditures,
such as removing barriers to fish passage or
construction of ponds for waterfowl, are reimbursed.
The limit is currently $2,000 per landowner
for the tax year, although a case review can
net the owner additional credits.
In 1999, the Forest Service paid
$2.3 million for a 160-acre conservation easement
from WOMAC Land and Cattle Company in the Sawtooth
National Recreation Area. The easement reduced
a 20-unit subdivision to three units, but without
a plan for wildlife improvement, this particular
easement wasn't awarded tax credits.
The deal was one of the first
brokered by the Sawtooth Society, a nonprofit
created in 1997 to oversee policies in the Sawtooth
National Recreational Area.
"Our aim and mission is to protect
the SNRA and particularly open space," says
Bob Hayes, the organization's executive director.
On the phone he has the weathered voice of an
old rancher. Hayes has spent his entire life
living in the Stanley Basin and trudging around
the towering Sawtooths. He understands the complexities
of the issue: SNRA must remain more or less
intact, Stanley lacks affordable housing, and
wilderness protection of the Boulder-White Clouds
is on the agenda.
-Bob
Hayes,
executive director,
Sawtooth Society
In the first
draft of CIEDRA — Simpson called it a
framework — land transfers numbered
some 16,000 acres, an undisclosed amount of
which came from the SNRA. It seemed Simpson's
office spelled out the number without considering
from where the acres came. The high acreage
was unacceptable to most except city and county
officials who dreamed of a healthy tax base
supported by an avalanche of new residents.
"Simpson tested the public mind-set with
the framework," Hayes says. The Sawtooth Society and
others told Simpson they couldn't give him their support
for CIEDRA, and the acreages evaporated in the subsequent
drafts like morning dew on the basin's alfalfa. "It's
been a give-and-take process and Congressman Simpson
has responded accordingly," Hayes says.
A majority of the Society's members
now accept the 162 acres slated for transfers.
"The impacts on the SNRA are minimal. Our view
is give them what they [City of Stanley and
Custer County] need, but with deed restrictions,"
Hayes says. "We are very sympathetic to the
people who get heartburn over this, and at one
point we did, too, but given the political realities,
we believe this is the best way to save the
SNRA." Far from everyone concurs.
"These guys are smoking some funny
stuff," says Scott Phillips, facilitator for
a group of 13 SNRA retirees who like himself
are ardently opposed to any transfers. "Simpson,
ICL [Idaho Conservation League], Hayes and a
few others have been sitting in backdoor meetings
and invented their own little reality world.
Taxpayers have already spent nearly 60 million
dollars over a 35 year-period by purchasing
tracts to protect additional SNRA land. Amazing
progress has been made. CIEDRA intends to do
the diametrically opposite [by transferring
three tracts for development] and ignores public
law 92-400 [the law that established the SNRA
in 1972]. It's arrogance on the part of Simpson
to even propose such a thing [land transfers]."
The group Phillips represents
has so far published two op-eds in five local
and statewide newspapers, and plans to publish
a third.
"The Forest Service has spent
nearly $58 million [figure from 2004] since
the SNRA was established to protect the valley
floors — and scenic vistas considered
to be among the most beautiful in the mountain
West," read the group's op-ed from August. "CIEDRA
would reverse one of the very purposes for creating
the Sawtooth NRA—protecting the Sawtooth
Valley and Stanley Basin from development."
A plan for the plots
Negotiations among Stanley, Custer,
the Forest Service and the Sawtooth Society
resulted in a solution acceptable to those involved.
The current, and presumably final, version of
CIEDRA places deed restrictions on the plots.
"They're modeled after the Forest Service restrictions
set forth in the SNRA. They are very tight,
very strict, prescriptive and designed to make
sure the use of that land is consistent with
the use in the area," Hayes says. The restrictions
control height, setbacks, maximum square-footage,
types of houses and more. In addition, a special
committee made up of three Stanley-area residents
and a representative each from Stanley and Custer,
must agree on proposed developments before bulldozers
can start gnawing the sagebrush and alfalfa.
It's a convoluted conflict, but
a closer look at the individual plots in question
removes some of the haze.
The first parcel is 8.3 acres
and sits second-to-last on Benner Street in
Stanley, a small town made up of log cabins
and western ranch-style houses. During the 1970s
the owner envisioned a sprawling trailer park
on the green alfalfa, but SNRA management wasn't
thrilled with the prospect of a trailer park
with an unobstructed view of the magnificent
Sawtooths. Consequently, the SNRA bought the
plot with taxpayer money and preserved it as
open space.
-Linn Kincannon,
central Idaho director,
Idaho Conservation League
"We intend to
sell the land for residential development,"
says retiring mayor Paul Frantellizzi. CIEDRA
allows four single-story homes no larger than
3,000 square-feet on the parcel. The mayor thinks
the city can sell the plots for $200,000-$250,000
each. Assuming he is right, the in-town plot
could raise $1 million—five times Stanley's
annual budget. "I suggested we take all or a
significant portion of that and create an endowment
for the community to use as a rainy-day fund
or use the interest for the arts, educations
or other causes," Frantellizzi says.
The second plot is Valley Creek
(also known as Old Sewer Ponds from the creek's
past use), a 68-acre chunk that's currently
open space, but contiguous to the city. Frantellizzi
says the city requested Valley Creek to be deeded
for municipal purposes. Suggested uses include
municipal housing for fire fighters, emergency
personnel and teachers, develop the natural
hot springs on the property for the benefit
of the community, or a tent city for summer
employees. The warm months are especially busy
for the community and a large contingent of
mostly young people work nearby at the popular
Red Fish Lake, or down in the valley as guides,
cooks or ranch hands. Stanley is too small for
a rental market and land too scarce for affordable
housing. But Frantellizzi affirms that the city
will maintain a view corridor and push developments
up toward the hill—restrictions carefully
laid out in CIEDRA.
The third parcel is on a bench
overlooking Stanley Basin, 80-some acres deeded
to the county. CIEDRA allows for up to ten parcels
with single-story houses no larger than 3,500
square-feet. The deed restrictions require that
the houses are western style and not visible
from the nearby highways. Given the estimated
value of the land, there's a good chance most
of the lots will be mostly-empty second homes.
"I'd rather see families move in and their kids
go to our schools, but it's market-driven,"
Frantellizzi says.
Idaho Conservation League's central
Idaho director Linn Kincannon says the group
can accept the SNRA land transfers because they
are a necessary part of the political effort
to designate wilderness in Idaho. ICL is the
leading conservation group in Idaho, a position
it enjoys due to political savvy, strong leadership,
healthy funding and a willingness to meet halfway,
according to a Blue Ribbon Coalition staffer.
"We can't throw everything we don't like out
of the wilderness bill," Kincannon says. "It
just won't happen, because without compromise
there will be no wilderness."
David Kimpton, a retired SNRA
ranger, hunter and angler, is concerned about
the loss of what he calls irreplaceable wildlife
habitat. That elk enjoy Valley Creek in the
winter is undisputed. However, some dispute
labeling the wintering grounds crucial
for elk habitat.
"It's certainly true that it's
elk habitat," Hayes says. "But they [Kimpton
and others] haven't made a credible case that
they are crucial. The reality is that at that
elevation [6,400-7,000 feet] elk are all over.
They do use the Valley Creek area, and I suspect
that they like them because of the hot springs."
Frantellizzi says he opposes
the use of the word critical since
it's subjective. "We live in hundreds of thousands
of acres of wilderness so that those [few] acres
are critical is a little skewed. Are we going
to be considerate and think about the elk? Sure,
but how much damage does a house on one-eighth
of an acre pressed up against the hill do?"
Not much, according to Tracey
Trent, chief of the natural resource policy
bureau with Idaho Fish and Game. "It's true
elk winter there," he says echoing Frantellizzi.
"That doesn't make them winter range." Recent
mild winters and locals feeding the elk have
encouraged the large mammals to stick around
the area. The area's average winters of sub-zero
temperatures and five feet of snow, elk seek
refuge in mild drainages such as the middle
fork of the Salmon and the north fork of the
Payette, Trent says.
With so many user groups demanding
continued, exclusive or expanded access to public
lands, heated debates and direct conflicts are
an unavoidable part of the legislative process.
At this point in CIEDRA's legislative process,
user groups who have been consulted by Simpson's
staff support the bill (with a couple of for-the-record
reservations), while those not consulted are
against.
Perceptions change depending
on the perspective. From the top of Jerry Peak
one can see for miles in every direction: great
rocky slabs that make up the Pioneers and the
Boulders to the south and the spiny White Clouds
to the west. Giant fields of talus roll perpendicular
to drainages and elusive springs dotted on mountain
meadows reflect the sky. Herd Creek appears navy
blue five miles away and a few thousand feet below,
but the perspective deceives—up close the
little lake is muddy with silt.
Eric Segalstad (www.ericsegalstad.com)
recently received his M.A. at the University of
Montana and is now an intern for Skiing magazine
in Boulder, Colo..
| Analysis: |
A look at the changing
motivation behind land protection
By
Daniel Berger, assistant editor
Headwaters News
May 18, 2006
Designation of big "W"
Wilderness is not what it used to be.
In the past, large swaths
of undeveloped land were designated for
their wild and pristine nature — championed
first by progressive public land managers
(Gila
Wilderness in New Mexico) or citizens'
groups (Great
Bear Wilderness in Montana), and then
handed off to influential politicians who
brought them to Congress for approval.
Battles ensued aplenty
over these designations. Locals feared the
change associated with new land designations.
Others worried new restrictions would limit
access and economic development of natural
resources — both of which wilderness
designation do: motorized vehicles, permanent
development and resource extraction are
all banned in wilderness areas.
Compromise was a main
tool in the designation of wilderness. But
in almost every case, that compromise surrounded
the land in question and not much else.
In many cases that has
changed.
The president still has
to sign off on every wilderness designation,
and
he usually does.
But by the time the bill
is ready for the president's signature,
the fighting is over and most everybody
between his desk and the trailhead has approved
it. The path to the president is now much
more complicated, convoluted and twisted
between politics and economics.
Take, for instance, the
proposal to designate about 300,000 acres
in the Boulder-White Cloud Mountains of
the Sawtooth range in central Idaho, which
Eric Segalstad writes about in NewVoices/NewWest.
Wilderness activists
have been clamoring for decades for some
wilderness designation in central Idaho,
but it took a new kind of plan, one that
included a good deal of economic development,
for the notion of wilderness designation
to again take hold there.
What's changed is not
the desire to protect land as wilderness,
but the motivation for doing so.
This change in motivation
isn't present in every new wilderness designation,
but it is increasingly becoming part of
the process.
In southern Utah's Washington
County, for example, Wilderness designation
has become part of a grander scheme to zone
large swaths of this desert region.
The county has one of
the fastest growth rates in the state and
one of the top five in the nation. Growth
here is fueled by the area's undeveloped
land, its scenic beauty and its proximity
to the fastest growing city in the nation,
Las Vegas.
The Washington
County Growth & Conservation Act
of 2006 draft plan (PDF) aims to address
booming development and land preservation.
The
general idea is to sell about 25,000
acres of public land and use the proceeds
for watershed and rangeland protection,
habitat preservation, education and outreach,
and to preserve more than 220,000 acres
as wilderness.
The bill's sponsors,
Utah Republican Sen. Bob Bennett and Democratic
Rep. Jim Matheson, have taken it to Washington,
D.C. where it is now running through the
political and public comment machine.
Like the land bill in
central Idaho, this one has attracted much
scorn for wilderness purists who claim it
is nothing but a land giveaway.
Perhaps more contentious
than either of these wilderness plans was
a recent one on the Utah-Nevada border,
in the Cedar Mountains.
Utah lawmakers who pushed
for wilderness designation there admit that
the Cedar
Mountains might not be the most scenic or
pristine wilderness area, but they sought
designation because the federal protection
would make it all but impossible for the
Goshute Indians and private Fuel Storage
Co. to operate a nuclear waste storage facility
on tribal land.
Designation would block
a main travel route to the reservation,
and without that route, nuclear waste can't
make its way to a proposed facility that
Utah lawmakers don't want in their state.
The issue was never really
about land preservation, and has become
even more political.
Nevada lawmakers at first
weren't willing to help, but then last November
U.S. Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he would
support the bill.
About a month later,
Utah lawmakers worked out a deal with Nevada
Republican Sen. John Ensign, who was also
at first against the designation but then
agreed to lend his support after he was
assured that Utah would assist Nevada in
finding alternatives to storing waste at
Yucca Mountain — another proposed
nuclear storage facility, but this one in
Nevada.
Both the House and Senate
passed Legislation to create the 100,000-acre
Cedar Mountain Wilderness Area, and
President Bush signed it into law on
Jan. 6, as part of a huge defense bill.
Many wilderness advocates
are split on whether compromise is a worthy
way of acquiring wilderness in an increasingly
anti-wilderness political climate.
Some see these kinds
of compromises as a threat to the idea of
wilderness, which was created and approved
by Congress four decades ago.
Others are willing to
accept that the world has changed, and that
economic development can accompany land
preservation, if it allows for that preservation
to happen.
The compromises do beg
the questions: Is it still wilderness if
we allow a motorized recreation corridor
to bisect it? Or if we give away other undeveloped
federal land to acquire it? What about the
case of the Cedar Mountains, where the land
up for designation has become a pawn in
a game over nuclear waste that no one wants
to store?
In Montana's Lincoln
County and Beaverhead-Deerlodge
National Forest, wilderness advocates
and environmentalists have teamed up with
logging and mining interests and snowmobile
users to craft land use plans that allows
for certain activities in some areas while
restricting activities in other areas –
creating either big "W" Wilderness or at
least de-facto wilderness.
Yet in both cases, even
when representatives from a diversity of
interests crafted and agreed on a plan together,
many remain frustrated with the details
and are willing to continue to fight for
what they believe is right.
If nothing else, the
wilderness debate today should remind us
that wilderness is an idea America invented,
primarily for the West, and which is still
evolving, as all social ideas do.
It's also worth remembering
that the idea of wilderness remains one
of America's largest exports to the rest
of the world. Our model has become the model
on which all others are based, from Canada
to Africa.
As Wilderness pioneer
Aldo Leopold once said "The rich values
of wilderness lies not in the days of Daniel
Boone nor even in the present, but rather
in the future." How we designate our wilderness
today, he was saying, has everything to
do with what we want our West to look like
tomorrow. |
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