One of the West’s most sprawling,
traffic-choked cities becomes a champion of mass transit —
and a cleaner, greener future
Standing amid yucca and scrub oak on the foothills
south of Denver, Keith Simon can see most of the metropolitan area
that 2.6 million people now call home. To the northeast, the white
spires of Denver International Airport rise from the Plains like
pup tents at a Boy Scout outing. To the northwest juts 14,255-foot
Longs Peak, with the cities of Boulder and Longmont at its feet.
In the middle, poking out of the brown cloud on this autumn day
like whiskery chin stubble, stand the skyscrapers of downtown Denver.
Snaking from downtown toward the bluffs where Simon stands is Interstate
25, broadband at up to 12 lanes with no room to expand. The anomalous
piece of undeveloped pasture that lies below Simon’s feet,
surrounded by cookie-cutter suburban homes, sits within Lone Tree,
one of Denver’s new southern suburbs. But it remains little
changed since it was homesteaded 130 years ago. Even now, a herd
of Angus cattle is grazing its way to market.
Like the cattle, however, this pastoral landscape won’t survive
much longer. And Simon is the one who will administer the coup de
grâce, although he plans to do so as humanely as possible.
Dressed in a bright pink shirt and tan loafers, the soft-spoken
vice president of the Coventry Development Corp. describes the city
his company is building here on 3,500 acres. RidgeGate, Simon says,
will look and function far differently than the surrounding suburbia.
It will be compact, even dense, in an inner-city sort of way, with
three, five, even 10 times as many homes per acre as a traditional
suburb, punctuated by clusters of taller buildings with apartments
above and shops below.
Automobiles will not be banished, but neither will they dominate.
The 60,000 people who will eventually live here will be able to
walk to offices, stores and schools. Hopping on a light-rail train,
they will glide rapidly to Broncos games near downtown Denver, to
jobs in the nearby Tech Center, and to other commercial and social
hubs in the region.
"We aren’t quite Manhattan, and never will be,"
says Simon. "Everyone will need at least one car in a family
if they live at RidgeGate, but they won’t have to be joined
at the hip with their cars."
Simon is not some dreamy futurist. He was a landscape architect
in San Diego, Albuquerque and Santa Fe before landing in Denver
in the late 1990s. And, talking about his new project, he sounds
as stolid and unsentimental as an economics textbook.
"The cost to develop at lower densities is really immense,
both to home-buyers and to the public, because you have miles of
roads and more miles of pipes and more of everything," Simon
says. "To create a more sustainable metro area, one that isn’t
wall-to-wall low-density homes, we need to find ways to create communities
that use less land."
Simon and his company are not alone in rethinking traditional development
in the Mile High City. During the past decade, a small but growing
army of progressive developers, planners and politicians —
particularly Denver’s mayor, John Hickenlooper — have
put their money where their mouths are. They’ve turned one
defunct airport into a vibrant community, and are doing the same
with a second. They’ve demolished 1960s-era shopping malls,
such as Villa Italia and Cinderella City, and replaced them with
apartments and pedestrian-friendly neighborhoods. They’ve
transformed aging warehouses into a trendy residential and commercial
hotspot. And they’ve constructed a modest light-rail network.
Call it SimCity, the New Urbanism edition.
And the fun has only begun. Last November, voters in metro Denver
passed a sales tax increase to fund a program called FasTracks.
In the next year, FasTracks will build 35 miles of new electric-powered
light rail. During the next decade, the $4.7 billion program will
yield another 119 new miles of new light rail, diesel-fueled commuter
rail, and bus rapid transit. The potential for this new transportation
infrastructure to transform Denver — and to enrich the transformers
— has most of the 32 mayors in the metro area, as well as
business and environmental leaders, almost giddy with excitement.
Already, conference rooms and computers are humming with plans to
redevelop abandoned factories, stagnant or decaying first-ring suburbs,
and even a few undeveloped sites on the periphery, such as the future
city of RidgeGate, into compact pods of mixed uses.
Denver’s vaulting light-rail ambitions have put it in the
national spotlight. "There are no other regions of the country
taking on anything like this," says Shelley Poticha, director
of the Oakland, Calif., Center for Transit-Oriented Development.
Denver’s plans have also sparked some hope that the cities
and towns in the West are not doomed to spill chaotically and endlessly
over the region’s open spaces. If Denver — one of the
West’s largest, most sprawling, smog-filled, traffic-choked
cities — can be remade into something more compact and livable,
the rest of the region might just be inspired to get on board, too.
Hitting the wall
To those who have watched it grow during the past several decades,
Denver is an unlikely poster child for mass transit. A place with
sports teams named the Rockies, the Nuggets, and the Avalanche,
it has long seemed the prototypical undisciplined Western city,
populated by people enamored of low-density suburbs sprawling across
mountain and prairie, and so attached to their cars that nothing
could pry their fingers from the steering wheels (HCN, 6/13/05:
How dense can we be?).
Even as early as the 1980s, however, Denver highway engineers such
as Guillermo "Bill" Vidal were beginning to realize that
low-density living came with serious drawbacks. In those days, Vidal
was working with neighborhood groups, so he heard plenty about the
problems of traffic, noise and air pollution. But although new technology
kept the air pollution from getting worse, traffic congestion continued
to intensify. In the 1990s, as chief executive of the Colorado Department
of Transportation, Vidal realized that highway expansion would always
lag behind growth in traffic. And the price tag was daunting: Expanding
highways to meet rush-hour demands often required buying adjacent
homes and businesses, which sent costs soaring to stratospheric
levels.
"It’s not a matter of whether we accommodate the car,"
Vidal says. "It’s a matter of that we have no room."
Population growth is the inexorable force driving all these changes.
Since 1980, metro Denver has gained 1 million residents, bringing
the total population to 2.6 million. Demographers predict an even
larger human tide in the next quarter of a century, with the city
projected to hit 3.9 million people by 2030.
Plotting this larger city of the future, Vidal and other regional
leaders began looking to a transportation mode of the past: the
rail. Like most cities and even the smaller towns of the West, Denver
once had an array of streetcars. Begun in 1872, drawn first by horses,
the streetcars were soon electrified and extended into the countryside,
creating their own suburbs. Those streetcar suburbs today constitute
Denver’s oldest and densest neighborhoods. Similar "interurban"
lines radiated to nearby farming towns, and to Boulder, 25 miles
away. Even smallish farming towns, like Fort Collins, Colo., had
trolleys and streetcars soon after the 20th century dawned.
A century later, as traffic overwhelmed metro highways, Denver
was ready to get back on the tracks. In 1994, the seven-county Regional
Transportation District unveiled a 5.3-mile light rail line in the
central business district, financing it without state or federal
aid. It was received well enough, encouraging faithful rail supporters
to push for more. In 1997, they put a $6 billion expansion proposal
on the ballot. But the high price tag, combined with vague routes
and political infighting, sent the "Guide the Ride" measure
down to defeat.
Nonetheless, in July 2000, the Regional Transportation District
bounced back with an 8.7-mile extension of light rail from downtown
to the southwest suburbs. Delivered on time and within budget, the
rail line immediately attracted throngs of riders, serving 18,000
daily within two years — more than even the most optimistic
projections. Light rail had hit a home run in Denver.
Work had already begun on a 19.1-mile extension of light rail,
paralleling the clogged I-25 toward Lone Tree, where Keith Simon
and his cohorts envision their New Urbanist city of RidgeGate. And
now that the public had eagerly embraced light rail, proponents
began plotting something more ambitious yet.
On the fast track
The 2004 FasTracks campaign not only united environmentalists with
businesspeople, it also revealed a strengthening alliance between
city and suburbs. All 31 mayors in the metro area at that time pledged
their support, but Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper was at the campaign’s
forefront.
Tall and lanky, Hickenlooper caught the fancy of Denverites two
years earlier when, as a political novice, he campaigned for mayor
with television advertisements depicting himself as a geeky do-gooder
plugging coins into the city’s unpopular parking meters. In
television ads this fall, Hickenlooper stifled his innate fear of
heights to sky-dive while explaining to voters why they should modify
Colorado’s throat-choking budget limitations. For the well-funded
FasTracks television campaign last year, he presented a completely
different face: an urbane, relaxed, thoughtful Hickenlooper boarding
the train, reading a newspaper. Light rail, the TV spot seemed to
say, was convenient and sophisticated.
The various personalities are not facades. Hickenlooper has his
head, and his heart, in many places. Behind his desk in City Hall
hangs a famous painting of Colorado’s Mount of the Holy Cross
by 19th century landscape artist Thomas Moran. As a geology student,
Hickenlooper spent two summers in the Absaroka Mountains north of
Yellowstone National Park, doing research for his master’s
thesis. When Denver’s energy boom of the early 1980s tanked,
the oil geologist re-created himself as a restaurateur. In 1988,
Hickenlooper opened Colorado’s first brewpub, the Wynkoop
Brewery, located across from Union Station, Denver’s old railway
headquarters. In doing so, he led the charge of gentrification into
what had been a shabby warehouse district. In 1992, he moved to
the neighborhood himself, buying a loft above his brewery.
For the next decade, Hickenlooper got around chiefly by walking,
even as he got ever more involved in community nonprofit causes
and expanded his restaurant holdings. "I would go 10 days without
getting in a car," he recalls. "It really was a transforming
time. I felt not as tense; I felt more in control of my life."
In the dozens of speeches he gave on behalf of FasTracks, he outlined
his vision of a new way of living. The new rail lines will have
57 new stations, 50 of them with potential for the kind of business
and residential mix that Hickenlooper had found so sanely walkable
in LoDo, his lower-downtown neighborhood. Instead of an inner-city
business core surrounded by an ocean of housing and far-flung shopping
malls, he envisioned metropolitan Denver becoming a series of smallish
villages, places of six-, eight-, or even 10-story buildings, clustered
around the rail stations. Instead of getting in a car to drive to
a friend’s house, people would board the train to go to another
urban village.
"The idea is that when you fly over Denver 20 or 30 years
from now, hopefully you will be able to see these dots of urban
villages, and make out the skeleton of our transit system,"
he said.
A neighborhood coffee shop in Prospect, an early New Urbanist project
in Longmont. Kevin Moloney
Light rail, said Hickenlooper, would provide an economic future
that is "socially just and environmentally friendly."
The exclusive use of cars, he said, is an inefficient drag on the
economy. Even cheap cars are expensive to operate, so light rail
provides greater mobility for the poor. As for the environment,
Hickenlooper reasoned that denser, more livable cities discourage
the feverish sprawl that chews up the hinterlands and consumes other
resources at a needlessly rapid rate.
Colorado Gov. Bill Owens, then a rising star in the Republican
Party, and his transportation boss, Tom Norton, pooh-poohed FasTracks,
arguing that it was too costly for the relatively few riders it
could accommodate. On the surface, it would seem that they had a
point: Over a 24-hour period, the light-rail network was projected
to carry only 2 percent of the city’s travelers.But ot
But other officials, including longtime highwayman Bill Vidal,
shot their case down. "What the argument does not acknowledge
is that most of our transportation problems are defined during rush
hour traffic, which is what light rail and other mass transit accommodates
best," said Vidal. In the end, voters endorsed FasTracks by
a 57-to-43 margin. The increased sales tax will cost the median
family household about $90 per year.
The FasTracks-induced changes, says Hickenlooper, will "redefine
how the rest of the country and the rest of the world thinks of
Denver." It will also, he adds, redefine how Denver thinks
of itself.
"I talk to mayors around the country. Nobody can believe what
we did," he says. "In a seven-county area the size of
Connecticut, we got all 31 mayors, Republicans and Democrats, conservatives
and liberals, to combine to support the most ambitious transit issue
in U.S. history."
The promise and peril of density
If Hickenlooper’s superlative claim for FasTracks is debatable,
the energy it has added to revitalization efforts is undeniable.
Scheduled to come on line from 2014 to 2016, the rails will radiate
west to the foothills, east to Denver International Airport, and
north to Longmont. In Boulder, planners hope to use the commuter
rail to spawn a 40-acre development, designed to dent the city’s
chronic affordable-housing problem (HCN, 9/5/94: Boulder’s
ingenuity has a few drawbacks). Boulder’s hub will be second
in size only to downtown Denver’s Union Station, which will
be reborn as a complex of 1.4 million square feet of residential
units, offices and retail businesses amid a spaghetti bowl of rails
for Amtrak, commuter and light-rail lines. The Union Station project
has attracted attention from potential investors around the country,
including New York developer Donald Trump.
Developers are also lining up investors to redevelop former industrial
sites. The most prominent such site is the former Gates Rubber Co.
factory, which at one time employed 5,000 people making fan belts
and other rubber products. Located in the crotch of two light-rail
lines, the 50-acre site near downtown is a daunting stew of hazardous
materials and other problems that will take years to deal with.
The development leader, Cherokee Investment Partners, ultimately
envisions $1.5 billion worth of new housing, offices, and retail.
Suburbs are also scrambling to be ready for the trains when they
pull in 10 years from now. In Arvada, 10 miles from downtown Denver,
town officials have approved the razing of horse-pasture homes to
make room for 50 condominiums per acre. They hope the high density
will work in tandem with the FasTracks line to revitalize the antique-store-filled
downtown, an area once served by the old commuter trains, or interurbans.
Creating such densities is not just a matter of squeezing houses
tightly together. Slicing-and-dicing the raw landscape in the traditional
sprawling-suburb manner — three or four houses to the acre
— is a formula well understood by major construction companies,
as well as by government officials and bankers. The process is relatively
simple, and the turnaround on investment is rapid. In three to five
years, investors begin making a profit.
Mixed-use, transit-oriented developments require both greater skill
and greater patience, especially from the investors. At Lone Tree’s
RidgeGate, the land has been held since the 1970s by the publicity-shy
Colony Investments Inc., owned by a reclusive shipping family from
Greece, according to Denver newspaper accounts. Now in the second
generation, the family members are in no hurry to turn the land
over. Indeed, it was not until 1999 — after an electric utility
said it needed to build a substation on the land — that the
family summoned planners, including Keith Simon, to create a new
vision for the property.
Six years later, the project still hemorrhages money, and it’s
likely to do so for many more years, says Simon. "But that’s
not an issue for them, because they know the long-term return on
investment will be very good, and they can wait for the long term,"
he explains. That return will continue even after the current generation
is gone — along with himself, as Simon adds wryly: Buildout
is envisioned for 2060.
Marilee Utter, a one-time math teacher turned banker who now consults
for transit-oriented developments across the West, says such projects
always cost more than traditional suburban development, because
more planning is required, construction costs are higher, and there’s
no guarantee that the retail space will immediately fill with tenants.
This sluggish initial payoff ultimately leads to a bigger upside,
she says, because mixed-use projects provide a more diverse —
and hence steadier — income stream. Nonetheless, American
banks, accustomed to quick payback, are often reluctant to invest
in New Urban projects.
Cost is not the only potential stumbling block, says Utter. A lack
of regional coordination can doom some of the development surrounding
light-rail stops. "Not (every urban village) is going to have
entertainment. Not everyone can be a town center. They need to have
different characteristics," she says. "If they (developers
and city officials) don’t talk, they will really shoot themselves
in the foot."
A similar warning comes from Tom Clark, executive vice president
of the Metro Denver Economic Development Corporation. Because towns
and cities in Colorado live — and die — by sales taxes,
they have competed against one another to attract the auto-based
big-box retailers, leaving some rich and others poor, while often
creating chaotic land-use use patterns. He hopes Colorado legislators
will revise the state’s tax structure to ensure that sales
tax receipts along the new transportation grid are shared.
From Portland, Ore., which has 44 miles of light rail and three
miles of streetcar, Metro Councilor Robert Liberty reminds Denver
that transit is a means, not an end. "It’s not the technology,
it’s the place, and your transportation investments should
serve that broader vision of that place," he says.
Liberty also warns transit advocates to closely evaluate the effectiveness
of mass transit projects. "It’s better to pretend you
have very little money, because then you’re more careful,"
Liberty adds. "When Portland voters narrowly rejected funding
for a new light rail line, our transit agency developed a much better
project that cost less and actually did much more to promote community
reinvestment."
Some fear that poorly designed light rail could actually encourage
further sprawl, giving commuters easy transit to the fringe —
and then a longer car ride beyond it. Rail boosters concede some
truth to the charge, but maintain that, without rail, the sprawl
would undoubtedly be much worse. Addressing these problems will
require a strong regional voice, and many look to Hickenlooper.
"I accept that challenge, and I think we will (succeed),"
he says.
Hickenlooper likes to point out that in one of his city’s
few budget expansions, his office has hired four new planners devoted
solely to transit-oriented development.
But at the same time, light-rail and transit-oriented development
are not the panacea for the 21st century’s problems. Working
rail into a car-centered city can be challenging, as Denver discovered
in 2000 when park-and-ride lots next to new rail stations immediately
overflowed. Light rail does not automatically provide affordable
housing, boost sales tax revenues, and cause bluebirds to sing.
Indeed, few seem to think that the changes now under way in Western
cities are as substantial as those that occurred soon after World
War II, when the auto triumphed. "I’m not sure we’re
there yet," says Shelley Poticha of Oakland’s Center
for Transit-Oriented Development. Across the West, she sees too
little mass transit and dense development. And there are other factors:
Although the housing mortgage tax credit fueled lateral expansion
of cities after World War II, no comparable incentive encourages
density today.
But Gwen Anderson, an attorney who spent a decade working on the
reconfiguration of Denver’s Union Station, says that the new
wave of rail lines and compact, urban development, offers something
that the auto age promised, but never fully delivered: independence.
"I have heard for years and years that transit would never
work because people in the West were too independent-minded, that
they needed the freedom of the car, that they didn’t believe
in social engineering," she says. "But it seemed to me
that argument was counter-intuitive, because to me, to be independent
you must have choice. To be completely tied to the automobile took
away that choice."
Waiting for the trains
At the city’s edge in Lone Tree, city officials, eager to
leave their traffic problems behind, can’t wait for light
rail to arrive. The adjoining interstate was Colorado’s largest
parking lot until the state began adding more lanes. But Jack O’Boyle,
Lone Tree’s mayor, knows those upgrades are only a temporary
answer. Wider highways allow commuters to drive faster, which in
turn draws more drivers, which in turn provokes another highway
expansion.
"It’s a never-ending process," he says. "I
don’t think anyone thinks you can build your way out of that
cycle."
A former Navy man, O’Boyle doesn’t talk about environmental
values or the advantages of a more vibrant society when he explains
why compact, transit-oriented development makes sense for Lone Tree.
Instead, like RidgeGate developer Simon, he talks about money.
"We all see the same problems caused by urban sprawl,"
he says of metro mayors. "We see that it costs more to provide
the municipal services when those services are spread out, and that
requires a higher tax load to provide that increased amount of service."
At RidgeGate, meanwhile, Simon waits patiently for the trains,
which aren’t due to arrive for a decade. The clusters of higher-rise
homes and businesses around the rail stops exist only on paper.
But there are some tangible signs of the changes ahead. A grand
pile of stones announces entry to the project, and behind it stands
an already-completed hospital and recreation center. A cluster of
250 homes is under construction. It’s a start, and listening
to Simon describe his New Urbanist vision for this pasture, it’s
easy to believe that Denver’s future is on track toward a
new, more environmentally friendly way of living.
Allen Best, a frequent mass-transit rider, lives in Denver.