Headwaters Home
subscribe
Page 1
contact us
search
Headwaters Perspective Headwaters News engages our readers in a different issue every other week.

We encourage you to send us your comments. Your email must contain your name.
   
 
Send this page
to a friend or colleague

Read past Perspectives

Read the Interior Secretaries series


Related stories:
     

Montana senator vows federal land sale won't happen
Missoulian; 02/21/2006

Scenic Colorado lands tagged in federal sale
Denver Post; 02/19/2006

Idahoans have mixed feelings about federal land sale
Idaho Falls Post-Register; 02/17/2006

Montana senator sets public meeting on federal land sale
Missoulian; 02/16/2006

Federal officials propose to sell 7,447 acres in New Mexico
Albuquerque Tribune; 02/13/2006

Forest Service plan to sell land may include 14,000 acres in Montana
Missoulian (AP); 02/12/2006

Utah could see 5,400 acres of forest lands for sale
Casper Star-Tribune (AP); 02/12/2006


Editorials:

As public-land sale debate rages, rural schools wait
Missoulian; 02/21/2006

Selling Forest Service land could be a good idea
New West; 02/17/2006

Federal land sale should be closely scrutinized
Grand Junction Sentinel; 02/14/2006

Idaho's federal lawmakers should be skeptical of land-sale plan
Idaho Statesman; 02/14/2006



Backgrounders

President’s FY 2007 Budget Proposal for the Forest Service - Secure Rural Schools and Community Self-Determination Act Extension

USFS lands proposed for sale

PILT payments by County, National Association of Counties

     
Western Perspective is sponsored by:

Hewlett

CRMW logo
Western Perspective
The West Against Itself – Again?
Daniel Kemmis responds to reader comments
for Headwaters News
March 7, 2006

(Click here to read the original column)

I appreciated the responses to my column from John Freemuth and Martin Nie – two of the West’s best thinkers on public lands issues.  I don’t fundamentally disagree with anything they’ve said, but their comments do create an opportunity to move the discussion a step or two ahead.

I share Martin Nie’s frustration with the ideologues who never seem to get tired of looking for one more opportunity to privatize the public domain.  It seems like a classic case of “What part of ‘No’ don’t you understand?”  We’ve been through this, how many times now?  The idea goes back at least as far as the sell-off efforts of the late ‘40’s that Bernard DeVoto helped to squelch with his no-holds-barred essay in Harper’s magazine, “The West Against Itself.”.  The Sagebrush Rebellion of a couple decades past sparked the same determined and successful opposition from DeVoto’s ideological heirs, and this most recent spate of sell-off proposals seems about as stillborn as any administration proposal could ever be. 

Does that mean that, for the next three years, there is no point in even trying to fashion bipartisan solutions to the problems that continue to beset the public lands system?  I guess I’m not ready to buy that conclusion, in spite of all the wrong-headedness this administration has displayed in this arena.  I’m not even convinced that privatization is at the core of the administration’s public lands agenda.  I think they support these proposals as a sop to a certain set of dogged ideologues on their side of the aisle. 

But if we’re going to wait until dogged ideologues have no say, we may wait forever, because the Democrats have their own set to contend with.  They are the people who absolutely refuse to acknowledge that there is anything amiss with the current structure of public land laws and regulations – who insist that if the Forest Service, say, would just “follow the law,” everything would be fine.  That kind of ideological intransigence does as much to stymie the fashioning of long-term solutions to deep-seated problems within the public lands system as the never-changing refrain of the privatizers.

Fortunately, most defenders of the public lands (leading Democrats among them) recognize that keeping the public lands public doesn’t require that every feature of the current system be blindly defended.  And fortunately, many leading Republicans are showing more than a little impatience with the repeated recurrence of the sell-off solution.

I agree with John Freemuth that the Craig-Wyden “Secure Schools” legislation was a promising solution to one of the problems that had been afflicting the public lands system.  And I still hope, even in an election year, that the kind of constructive bipartisanship that went into fashioning that solution can come up with a better extension of the program than the administration’s stillborn proposal. 

Whether some form of trust mechanisms might play a part in that solution is an issue that Martin Nie has appropriately challenged, but I will wait for another day to respond to his comments on that score. 


Land for schools
Bipartisan efforts have come up with creative ways to provide revenue for rural counties and schools in the past and can again
By Daniel Kemmis
for Headwaters News
Feb. 23, 2006

The proposal to sell public land to fund the Secure Rural School and Community Self-Determination Act is a bad idea that, fortunately, seems to be going nowhere. It had little chance of surviving from the moment it was broached, and once U.S. Sen. Conrad Burns, R-Mont., announced his opposition, the odds grew even larger. As chair of the Interior Appropriations Subcommittee, Burns is probably in a position to bury the proposal.

The Act itself was a good idea when it was passed six years ago, and it was, moreover, a tribute to Mark Rey’s legislative skill. Rey, now the Agriculture Department undersecretary with jurisdiction over the Forest Service, was then the Republican Senate staffer who negotiated the bipartisan accord between U.S. Sens. Larry Craig, R-Idaho, and Ron Wyden, D-Ore., that produced the legislation.

As timber harvests from national forests had declined throughout the 1990s, so had the payments in lieu of taxes that had traditionally been made to counties containing those national forests, to support local schools and roads. The “Craig-Wyden Bill” sought to stabilize those payments by decoupling them from timber receipts, while at the same time providing some funding for locally selected projects to enhance forest ecosystem health.

The Act was not perfect, but it was a step forward, something that does not often happen these days in the public lands arena. Bipartisanship is the key to making any sustainable progress in that intensely contentious arena. Now, as the discussion about reauthorizing the Craig-Wyden legislation turns from fantasy to practicality (and from the administration to Congress), the question will be whether constructive bipartisanship can again be brought to bear.

Bipartisanship is always hard to come by in Washington, and it’s especially elusive during any election year, but there may be a window of opportunity here. That window might be broadened by looking beyond the particular piece of legislation that has occasioned the current furor.

While selling public land to help fund roads and schools is a bad idea, it may not be a bad idea to engage in some carefully chosen and closely monitored experiments with innovative ways of providing the support to rural communities that federal payments in lieu of taxes have traditionally provided.

Sometimes the best new ideas are old ideas. There is a time-tested old idea practically begging to be noticed and brought off the bench. It’s the idea of public lands held in trust for the benefit of local schools. This was the idea behind the system of state trust lands, a system familiar to all westerners. Beginning as early as the 1780s, but with substantial increases in acreage following the Civil War, a portion of the public domain in each new Western state was set aside in trust for the benefit of the new state’s public schools.

The history of the state trust lands is itself a matter of some considerable disagreement, but the point here is not to turn more land over to the states. The idea of trust mechanisms, though, is one that arises insistently in the discussion about how to do a better job of managing the federal estate, and in particular how to provide both accountability and flexibility in public land governance.

A broad-based collaborative, the Forest Options Group, for example, put heavy emphasis on this approach in its "Second Century Report" a few years ago. Brian Yablonski, in a paper commissioned by the Property and Environment Research Center (PERC) calls the trust approach "A New Paradigm for Federal Lands."

In 2000, Congress put its toe in this water when it was persuaded to acquire for the national government a large working ranch, the Baca Ranch, in northern New Mexico, now known as the Valles Caldera Preserve. Rather than simply add the ranch to the holdings of the Forest Service or the Bureau of Land Management, Congress mandated the creation of a board of trustees, a majority of whom must be from New Mexico, to manage the property. This, again, was a bipartisan effort, inconceivable without the support of both New Mexico's Republican Sen. Pete Domenici and Democratic Sen. Jeff Bingaman.

Like the Craig-Wyden “Secure Schools” bill, the Valles Caldera Preserve is a far from perfect mechanism, but again, it is a step forward, in that it, along with the Presidio Trust in California, puts to the test a promising mechanism for combining accountability with flexibility in the management of federal lands.

But there is a very real danger in putting too much weight on one or two such experiments. There are too many collateral circumstances that can produce failure (or for that matter success) in any one instance. It would be unfortunate indeed if the future of trust approaches were left to depend on either the success or the failure of the Valles Caldera and the Presidio.

This brings us, then, to another bipartisan initiative in the public lands arena that has lain dormant for the last few years, but might be brought back into focus as Congress considers how to reauthorize the Secure Schools Act. In the summer of 2002, a bipartisan working group from the House Resources Committee began working on legislation to reconstitute Region 7 within the Forest Service.

Because of past regional consolidation, there has not been a Region 7 in the national forest system since 1965. The reconstituted, non-geographical Region 7 would house experimental projects on national forest lands, testing new, innovative approaches to forest management (such as trust structures) to overcome some of the problems that beset the current system of national forest governance. Such an experimental approach would not attempt to change the entire national forest system but would recognize problems and invite and test innovative solutions in a few carefully chosen settings.

The first step would be to conduct a national competition for the selection of experimental projects to test new models of management or governance. A “blue ribbon” commission would be organized to solicit proposals for alternative approaches to public land management and governance, select promising projects, and guide the implementation process. The projects selected would make up the new Region 7.

This idea got sidetracked when the forest fires of 2002 made “Forest Health” the congressional flavor of the month. But with the passage of time, with the brouhaha over reauthorization of the Secure Schools Act, and with the need to expand experimentation with trust and other collaborative mechanisms beyond the Valles Caldera and the Presidio, the time may be right to revisit a promising bipartisan initiative.



Headwaters News is a project of the
Center for the Rocky Mountain West
at the University of Montana.
 

Analysis:

Forest sale may solve funding problem, but would invite many more

By Daniel Berger,
Assistant editor
Headwaters News
Feb. 23, 2006

You can blame it on the media, but as far as this news service has seen, no politicians or local leaders have yet publicly announced support for President Bush's proposal to sell more than 300,000 acres of forest service land to fund a rural schools program. Agency officials have been cordial to the media, answering questions and providing information, including maps and lists of proposed sale parcels. But the idea hasn't seemed to strike a positive chord with Westerners in any official capacity.

more



Daniel Kemmis
writes
a bi-monthly column for Headwaters News that focuses issues common to the Rocky Mountain States.


Daniel Kemmis is a Senior Fellow at the Center for the Rocky Mountain West at The University of Montana.

He is the former Mayor of Missoula, Montana, and a former Speaker and Minority Leader of the Montana House of Representatives.

Mr. Kemmis is the author of three books: Community and The Politics of Place; The Good City and the Good Life; and This Sovereign Land: A New Vision for Governing the West.

In 1998, the Center of the American West awarded him the Wallace Stegner Prize for sustained contribution to the cultural identity of the West.

In 2002, This Sovereign Land was the top choice for the Interior Department's Executive Forum Speaker Series.

comment on this column